Montanism And Present Day “Prophets”

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Pneuma 32 (2010) 413-429

Montanism and Present Day “Prophets”

Cecil M. Robeck, Jr.

Professor of Church History and Ecumenics, Fuller Teological Seminary, Pasadena, CA, USA

cmrobeck@fuller.edu

Abstract

Over the past decade and a half, William Tabbernee, the world’s leading authority on Montanism or the New Prophecy, has written four major works on the subject. Tree of them are reviewed in this article. One looks at Montanism through the eyes of church and state; a second provides documentation for the identification of the headquarters city of the Montanists; and the third puts the two together in a creative narrative. Tese three volumes are placed within the context of larger issues surrounding the history of this powerful prophetic movement that originated in late second-century Asia Minor and subsequently spread throughout the Roman Empire up until the sixth century. Te reactions and responses of various orthodox Christian leaders and secular government officials to the claims of this highly independent prophetic movement, which called for more reliance upon the spontaneity of the Holy Spirit and a more conserva- tive personal ethic, suggest strong parallels between Montanism and what might be found in today’s Charismatic, New Apostolic, and Emerging Church movements.

Keywords

Montanism, Pepouza, Tymion, prophecy, discernment, epigraphy, historiography, cessationism

William Tabbernee, Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism. Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 84 (Leiden: Brill, 2007). xxxvii + 485 pp., $254.00, cloth.

William Tabbernee and Peter Lampe, Pepouza and Tymion: Te Discovery and Archaeological Exploration of a Lost Ancient City and an Imperial Estate (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008). xx + 338 pp., $152.00, cloth.

William Tabbernee, Prophets and Gravestones: An Imaginative History of Mon- tanists and Other Early Christians (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 2009). xxx + 338 pp., $29.95, paper.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2010 DOI: 10.1163/157007410X531934

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But a prophet who presumes to speak in my name anything I have not commanded him to say, or a prophet who speaks in the name of other gods, must be put to death.

— Deuteronomy 18:20 (NIV)

Te prophets are nothing but wind,

For the word is not in them.

— Jeremiah 5:13a (NRSV) Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep’s clothing but inwardly are raven- ous wolves. You will know them by their fruits.

— Matthew 7:15-16a (RSV) Follow the way of love and eagerly desire spiritual gifts, especially the gift of proph- ecy. . . . When you come together, everyone has a hymn, or a word of instruction, a revelation, a tongue or an interpretation. All of these must be done for the strengthen- ing of the church. . . . Two or three prophets should speak, and the others should weigh carefully what is said. And if a revelation comes to someone who is sitting down, the first speaker should stop. For you can all prophesy in turn so that everyone may be instructed and encouraged. Te spirits of prophets are subject to the control of proph- ets. For God is not a God of disorder but of peace.

— 1 Corinthians 14:1, 26b, 29-33a (NIV)

During the 1970s and ’80s a large number of Pentecostal and Charismatic pastors, evangelists, missionaries, and ecclesiarchs rushed to enroll in dubious doctoral programs or sought honorary doctorates from institutions in which they believed they might have some influence. Te title “Doctor” was highly prized, since it seemed to confer the level of unquestioned credibility or authority that these people sought. Many of them were unprepared to do the kind of work that most credible doctoral programs demanded. I know this from experience, for during those years I served on the Board of Trustees at one of those schools from which honorary doctorates were often requested, though not typically granted, and I was an Associate Dean at another school at which some of these same people applied for teaching positions on the basis of these degrees. Many of the institutions from which these people sought their degrees were known as degree mills — schools that had little or no accreditation, frequently made few demands, and were often served by a non- accredited faculty.

In the early 1990s the quest for the title “Doctor” began to decline in favor of new titles. Nearly any issue of Charisma published within the past two decades will contain these new titles in many of its articles and advertisements. Te Trinity Broadcasting Network, Christian Broadcasting Network, many of the charismatic broadcasts on secular network television or other independent stations, and many of today’s Charismatic conferences feature people with

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these titles in action. Many newspapers in Africa or Latin America carry stories about them. No longer is it “Doctors” who seek our following; it is “Apostles” and “Prophets” — or at least, those who claim to be apostles or prophets. Tis review article is not about whether genuine apostles and prophets walk among us today; it is about a series of books by William Tabbernee that have recently appeared on the subject of Montanism, an early Christian movement that claimed to be of the Holy Spirit, a movement that featured those who claimed to be “apostles” and especially “prophets.” Just as it is the case today, the titles “apostle” and “prophet” seemed to grant a kind of spiritual power or unquestioned authority within some circles of the church. Some used their gifts well; others used them for self-aggrandizement. And just as is the case today with such people as Cindy Jacobs, C. Peter Wagner, and the Interna- tional House of Prayer, many in the church questioned the nature of these individuals’ claims and the source of their “apostolic” or “prophetic” authority. Tese books demonstrate that some of the same dynamics that tend to sepa- rate denominational leaders from self-proclaimed “prophets” today were pres- ent nearly two millennia ago.

Tat the gift of prophecy is a genuine charism of the Holy Spirit that func- tions today is not up for discussion. It is a fact affirmed by Pentecostals and Charismatics. Tat does not mean that no questions need to be asked about such prophetic claims, prophetic words, and prophets; on the contrary, there are many such questions. How should we define the gift of prophecy? Who among us exercises this charism? How is this charism to be used effectively and with the purposes for which it has been given? In what ways may this charism be abused? How do we discern whether a “prophetic word” or a “prophetic act” is genuine? What is the relationship between those who speak in the name of the Lord because they claim some prophetic word and those who speak in the name of the Lord because they have been given a ministry of oversight? What is the line that separates the one who prophesies from the one who is called a “prophet” or from the one who calls himself or herself a “prophet”? And what do we do with those whose prophetic utterances prove in the end to be false?

Two Contemporary Issues

Such questions are profoundly important for any group that believes in the manifestation of such a gift in their midst. Scripture, including both Old and New Testaments, offers a good deal of guidance for resolving many of these

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questions. Problems arise, however, when we are afraid to raise these questions, especially with regard to someone who has a high profile or a strong following, or who is likely to strike back if confronted. Fear of touching those who claim to have a prophetic “anointing” is one factor that plays into the issue today, for the command that we “touch not my anointed” (Psalm 105:15) is often invoked in such circumstances. But do we really know what such an “anoint- ing” is? I find it interesting that most of those who have written on the subject are those who claim the “anointing” for themselves.1

A second problem has to do with the pastoral concern not to be overly judgmental. How do we speak the truth in a loving manner without hurting those to whom we speak (Ephesians 4:15), especially if they do not agree with us? Is the charism known as “the discernment of spirits” intended to function as a parallel gift with the prophetic charism in a way similar to “tongues” and “the interpretation of tongues”? Of what does the “weighing” or the “testing” of an allegedly prophetic word consist? How much leeway should a pastor or a congregation give to someone who does not get it right on the first try? Is it ever appropriate to allow for “error”? Is it possible for a person to mature in the use of a charism? When is it appropriate to ascribe the status of “prophet” to any individual? When is it appropriate to use the term false prophet when speaking of another? Who has the authority to make such judgments — in essence, to provide discipline — and on what is that authority to be based?2

1

Morris Cerullo, Te New Anointing (San Diego, CA: World Evangelism, Inc., 1975); Ken- neth E. Hagin, Understanding the Anointing (Tulsa, OK: Rhema Bible Church, 1983); Benny Hinn, Te Anointing (Nashville, TN: Tomas Nelson Publishers, 1992); Rick Renner, Merchan- dising the Anointing: Developing Discernment for Tese Last Days (Tulsa, OK: Rick Renner Min- istries, 1990).

2

Te question of discipline in the church is an important one on which few Pentecostals or Charismatics have written. In 1914 the Azusa Street Mission adopted a book of doctrines and disciplines. Some Pentecostal denominations use the term “discipline” as part of the published title of their Constitutions and Bylaws: e.g., C. F. Range, Jr., Clyde Young, G. R. Ross, eds., Official Manual with the Doctrines and Discipline of the Church of God in Christ, 1973 (Memphis, TN: Church of God in Christ, Inc., World Headquarters, 1991). But the question of discipline within the Pentecostal and Charismatic communities, especially at the local congregation, has rarely been spelled out in ways that are beneficial to the larger movement. For discussion of some of these matters, see Lewi Pethrus, Christian Church Discipline (Chicago, IL: Philadelphia Book Concern, 1944), and Stephen E. Parker, Led by the Spirit: Toward a Practical Teology of Pentecos- tal Discernment and Decision Making (Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996).

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Ancient Questions

None of these questions is new. Tey were present during the Old Testament period — for instance, when Jeremiah and Hananiah confronted each other in the presence of King Zedekiah ( Jer. 28:1-17). Tey were also present in the New Testament. Jesus pointed to the fruit of the “prophet’s” life as one mea- sure (Matthew 7:15-16a). Te apostle Paul pointed to the willingness of pro- phetic voices to submit their words to review in any legitimate discernment process as another measure (1 Cor. 14:29-32). Tat prophetic claims contin- ued within the sub-apostolic age is equally clear from the concerns expressed in the Didache regarding the actions of itinerant prophets ( Did. 10:7; 11:1- 12), or in the Shepherd of Hermas (Mandate 11) regarding the tendency of false prophets to pick on weak and marginalized Christians. Such questions per- sisted among the Gnostics, for according to Tertullian (Prescription Against Heretics 30), Apelles received his revelations from a false prophetess. Tus, even before the rise of Montanism, prophetic claims were both widespread and sometimes problematic.

Montanism presents an early example of how these claims were viewed within the early church first in Asia Minor and subsequently in North Africa. Te manifestations of this movement differed, in part, because of geography and chronology, but perhaps even more because of the personalities who were involved at any given time. Montanism can be viewed as an instructive proto- type of the modern Pentecostal and Charismatic movements complete with their prophetic claims, words, challenges, actions, discernment, and backlash. It puts into bold relief what Hans van Campenhausen described two genera- tions ago, the struggle between the personal claims made by nonepiscopal voices through the power of spontaneous prophetic utterances and the voices of legitimate, episcopal authorities and the limits to their claims of superiority in the face of such challenges.3 For those interested in studying the dynamics of power in the church, this movement provides a vivid illustration. For those who are charged with overseeing the prophetic or the discernment process in any church, the ways in which the early church chose to engage in this process are illuminating. For those who contend that the prophetic gift ceased with the apostolic age, the appearance of Montanist prophecy provides an interest- ing case study.

3

Hans van Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual Power in the Church of the First Tree Centuries, trans. J. A. Baker (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969).

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Montanism: A Very Brief Overview

For those who know little about Montanism, a short word of explanation is in order. During the second century, several adjustments were made in the ongo- ing life of the church. First, liturgical life became more stylized, that is, liturgi- cal manuals that spelled out specific prayers and orders of worship that the churches had adopted began to appear. Second, with the rise of Gnosticism and other competing theological systems, it became more important for the bishops to judge, to test, and to address the false teachings that had arisen. Tis led to prescribed articulations of the doctrines and practices of the church, in essence, the development of the church’s earliest formal creeds and other forms of constructive theology. Tird, the challenge posed by Marcion com- pelled the church to determine which books would be accepted into the canon of Scripture. Some candidates were accepted, while others were rejected. By these actions, then, ecclesial leaders such as bishops gained broader authority among their followers.

By the late second century, some people believed that such actions had led to a loss of apostolic fervor. Tey contended that the freedom of the Holy Spirit was dying out in the churches. Tey longed for the “good old days,” when signs and wonders were regularly performed, when miracles took place on a regular basis, and when God seemed to speak directly to the people through spontaneous gifts such as prophecy and tongues with interpretation or words of wisdom or of knowledge. In a sense, many believed that the church had become overly institutionalized. Some of them believed that when the bishops claimed to speak for God, they had usurped the charism of prophecy from the people. Te Montanists, as they were ultimately called, claimed that the prophetic prerogative legitimately belonged with them.4 “What has hap- pened to the notion of a ‘Body of Christ?’ and the role of laity?” some won- dered. “What has happened to the spontaneity and sovereignty of the Holy Spirit?” “Who appointed the bishops alone to be the purveyors of prophetic words?”5

Like many present-day Pentecostals, the Montanists also viewed Joel’s prophecy regarding the Spirit coming upon both men and women quite liter- ally, to the point of ordaining and consecrating women as priests, presbyters,

4

Te term Montanism is derived from the name Montanus, said to be one of the founders of the movement. Te term New Prophecy was often used as a self-description of the movement, while its detractors often referred to it as the “Phrygian” or “Cataphrygian Sect or Heresy.”

5

James L. Ash, “Te Decline of Ecstatic Prophecy in the Early Church,” Teological Studies 37 (1976): 227-52.

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and even bishops.6 If this was not viewed as outright heresy, it was surely regarded by many during this period with great suspicion.

When such challenges were raised, those in authority took a defensive posi- tion. Tey knew of instances in which the gift of prophecy continued to play a legitimate role in the life of the church,7 but were the claims of the Mon- tanists legitimate? In a number of places, “orthodox” leaders decided that the Montanist claims had either violated tradition8 or required actions that were typically treated as matters of conscience,9 or they were thought to be heretical10 or even inspired by demons.

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When such arguments did not suffice to break the Montanist back, those who opposed the movement sometimes stooped to character assassination. Apollonius did just that when he appeared to have been watching them on “Christian” television.

Tell me, does a prophet dye his hair? Does a prophet stain his eyelids? Does a prophet play with tables and dice? Does a prophet lend on usury?12

Questions were raised but answers were not offered. Inquiring minds must surely have filled in the gaps. Te conflict ultimately became so intense that, in the sixth century, the Emperor issued instructions to put an end to Mon- tanism once and for all and to destroy all known Montanist documents.13

Historiographical Concerns

Te imperial decision to rid the empire of Montanism and its writings left subsequent historians with a dearth of primary Montanist materials to study. Most of what remains was written by those who had successfully opposed the movement. For the sake of both ecclesial and imperial unity, the intention was to prosecute and ultimately to suppress the position adopted by the Mon- tanists. Tus, because so many of the Montanist materials have disappeared,

6

Epiphanius, Adversus haereses [Panarion], 49.2.5.

7

Cf. Ignatius, To the Philadelphians 7.

8

Apollinarius of Hierapolis as quoted in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.16.7. 9

Jerome, Epistle 41.3.

10

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.14.

11

Apollinarius as quoted in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.16.8-9. 12

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.18.11.

13

Codex Teodotianus, 16.5.34.1.

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we are left with important historiographical concerns regarding the documents that do exist. To what extent are these sources reliable indicators of the reality that they sought to oppress? Tis action also resulted in centuries during which many forms of religious ecstasy or enthusiasm were viewed with grave con- cern, any claim to any form of revelation beyond Scripture as heretical, and any challenge to episcopal utterances as insubordinate.

It is only from the middle of the twentieth century that historians began to look at Montanism once again and to ask whether the way in which the story has come down to us is accurate, or whether other factors, more personal than theological, more episcopal than ecclesial, were actually in play. While Mon- tanism demonstrated many failures, modern historians have since rehabili- tated the movement to the extent that we are able to hear with new ears much of what it held to be essential for the church to live up to the claim that it was apostolic.

It was not until 1989 that books on the subject of Montanism began to appear that took us beyond what was known early in the twentieth century.14 Tat year, Ronald Heine introduced a new edition of Montanist sources.15 His volume and that of William Tabbernee, published in 1997, complemented each other. Heine began with Labriolle’s Les sources, deleted ninety-six of his sources for various reasons, and produced a selective but more critical set of literary resources in Greek and Latin, with new English translations. Tabbernee would supplement these sources with many other epigraphic ones.

In 1992, I focused my attention on the important congregation at Carthage in third-century North Africa. I argued that the Passion of Perpetua and Felici- tas, the preeminent early Christian martyrology published in Carthage, was a pre-Montanist work, though Tertullian may have been responsible for its redaction. During his middle phase, Tertullian clearly identified with the New

14

Te most significant studies prior to 1989 included D. Nathaniel Bonwetsch, Die Geschichte des Montanismus (Erlangen, Germany: Andreas Deichert, 1881); D. Nathaniel Bonwetsch, Texte zur Geschichte des Montanismus, Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 129 (Bonn, Ger- many: A. Marcus und E. Weber’s Verlag, 1914); Pierre de Labriolle, La Crise montaniste (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1913); Pierre de Labriolle, Les sources de l’histoire du Montanisme Collectanea Friburgensia, New Series Fasc. 15 [24 in the collection] (Fribourg: Librairie de l’Université/Paris: Ernst Leroux, 1913; reprint New York: AMS Press, 1980); John De Soyres, Montanism and the Primitive Church: A Study in the Ecclesiastical History of the Second Century (Cambridge: Deigh- ton, Bell, 1878; reprint Lexington, KY: American Teological Library Association, 1965); and Wilhelm Ernst Schepelern, Der Montanismus und die phrygischen Kulte: eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, übersetzt von W. Baur (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1929).

15

Ronald E. Heine, Te Montanist Oracles and Testimonia (Belgium: Peeters, and Macon, GA.: Mercer University Press, 1989).

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Prophecy. Tus I assessed his description of how the New Prophecy func- tioned with its visions and prophecies in Carthage while maintaining fellow- ship with the “catholics” as an ecclesiola in ecclesia, and I analyzed the ways in which Tertullian incorporated Montanist oracles into his theological argu- ments. Finally, I studied the role that prophetic gifts, including visions, played in the ministry of the Bishop Cyprian, who led that congregation after Tertul- lian’s death. While he valued highly the work of Tertullian,16 and while these charisms continued to play an important role during Cyprian’s years of service,17 the “Montanist” phase of that congregation had passed.18 Four years later, Professor Christine Trevett produced the first English-language monograph in a century, titled Montanism: Gender, Authority, and the New Prophecy.19 As a Professor of Biblical Studies and Women’s Studies, she highlighted the signifi- cant role that women played within the movement. Finally, in 2006 a new volume appeared, written by Rex D. Butler, which suggested that the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas was a thoroughly Montanist document.

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Obviously, he and I differed in our decisions regarding this very important text. While both of us might agree that the final redactor of this text may have been a Montanist, I was not convinced that the original authors, Perpetua and Satu- rus, were. Te imagery upon which they drew required no Montanist influ- ence, for it seems to have come largely from Scripture and from popular Greek and Roman religious sources such as Virgil’s Aeneid.

It is William Tabbernee, however, a past President of the North American Patristics Society and the recently retired President and Stephen J. England Distinguished Professor of the History of Christianity at Philips Teological Seminary (Christian Churches/Disciples of Christ), who is currently regarded as the foremost authority in this field. No contemporary scholar knows more about Montanism than does he. Te study of Montanism has been a half- century passion of his, a passion that has led him to author or coauthor four major volumes and a substantial number of articles on the subject. Tabbernee’s work is fair and balanced. His qualifications include not only his literary work

16

Jerome, Letter 84.2.

17

Cf. Epistles 8.1; 11.3-6; 16.4; and 20.1.

18

Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., Prophecy in Carthage: Perpetua, Tertullian, and Cyprian (Cleveland, OH: Te Pilgrim Press, 1992). Tis volume was a revision of my 1985 Ph.D. dissertation. I used the numbering system suggested by G. W. Clarke, Te Letters of St. Cyprian Ancient Christian Writers 43-47 (New York: Newman Press, 1984-1989).

19

Christine Trevett, Montanism: Gender, Authority, and the New Prophecy (Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

20

Rex D. Butler, Te New Prophecy & “New Visions”: Evidence of Montanism in the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2006).

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as an historian, but also the work he has done with Professor Peter Lampe of the University of Heidelberg in coordinating and leading a series of archaeo- logical surface surveys in Turkey (formerly Asia Minor), which ultimately identified two of the most important Montanist centers, Pepouza and Tymion. From Tabbernee’s pen have come four quite different but extremely helpful volumes on the subject, three of which are reviewed here.

Tabbernee’s 1997 volume on Montanism provided scores of inscriptions and testimonia, along with a careful assessment of their value in understanding this often misunderstood movement.21 Te largely Greek inscriptions carved on tombstones, dedication plaques, mosaics, and other monuments drew from work done as far back as the late nineteenth century by Michael Ramsay in Phrygia, but it offered the newest research and perspectives as well. It would be a decade before Tabbernee would release the first of our three volumes on Montanism, this one titled Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments.

Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments (2007)

Tis volume has its origins in Tabbernee’s 1978 University of Melbourne PhD dissertation on “Te Opposition to Montanism from Church and State,” though it is greatly enhanced in light of nearly thirty years of “literary, epi- graphic, and archeological” work in the field that has been done since he first wrote it.22 Tis well written book marks Tabbernee as the preeminent scholar in the field. It is clearly and logically outlined and includes valuable conclu- sions at the end of each chapter. Tabbernee is well aware of the history of prophetic phenomena that extends from the time of Scripture and through the Montanist period. He is interested not so much in responding to Cessa- tionist arguments as in analyzing, evaluating, and explaining ecclesial and imperial responses to this movement, and then re-evaluating its history and theology as it is viewed by its opponents. As such, it stands apart as the leading volume on Montanism.

Tis work may be divided easily into three parts. Te first section includes three chapters that explain and assess how the “orthodox” Christians viewed

21

William Tabbernee, Montanist Inscriptions and Testimonia: Epigraphic Sources Illustrating the History of Montanism, Patristic Monograph Series 16 (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1997).

22

Te full bibliographic citation is William Tabbernee, “Te Opposition to Montanism from Church and State: A Study of the History and Teology of the Montanist Movement as Shown by the Writings and Legislation of the Orthodox Opponents of Montanism” (unpublished PhD dissertation, Melbourne, Australia: University of Melbourne, 1978).

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those who identified with this Spirit movement, and a fourth chapter that provides the Montanist response. Te first of these chapters covers the oppo- nents from the second century, the second looks at opponents from thethird and early fourth centuries, and the third focuses on the charges concerning Montanist prophetic claims raised during these three centuries before “Con- stantine became the sole emperor of the Roman Empire” (87). Te growing list of countries or regions unfolding in these chapters readily demonstrate both the spread of the New Prophecy from Phrygia in the east, to Carthage in the south, to Gaul (modern France) in the west, and Italia in the north, and the interest that the clergy throughout the empire had in this movement. Te spread westward was precipitated in part by the substantial migration of peo- ple from Phrygia to what would later become Western Europe — for instance, Gaul — while its migration to North Africa may well have come through merchants and sailors. Chapter 4 outlines Montanist responses to the various charges made against them, especially about the nature of prophecy and the prophetic claims made by members of the New Prophecy during this same period of time.

In the second section, Tabbernee looks at the relationship between the state and the Montanists on three important issues: the nature of persecution and whether Montanists were singled out during these times, whether it was appropriate to volunteer for martyrdom, and whether it was appropriate for Montanists and other Christians to flee during persecution. Before the rule of Constantine there were Montanist martyrs, but Tabbernee demonstrates that the State did not regard them as separate from other Christians. Nor did their views of how one faces persecution and the possibility of martyrdom differ. With the possible exception of the North African version of the New Prophecy supported by Tertullian, Tabbernee argues that no one seems to have taught either voluntary martyrdom or flight when persecution arrived. Persecution was something that all early Christians endured with little difference in the ways they endured it, whether orthodox or Montanist.

Te third section explores the relationship between church and state from Constantine onward. Chapters 8 and 9 outline what “orthodox” Christians and imperial leaders thought of the Montanists. Surprisingly, few “orthodox” Christians seem to have had face-to-face meetings with Montanists during this period. Teir responses, therefore, were largely literary and sometimes rhe- torical. During this same period, bishops and presbyters were joined by Scrip- ture specialists, historians, scholars, and preachers in speaking against the movement. Some of this may be the result of the decline in the New Prophecy that began as early as the fourth century.

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Te decline of Montanism can be traced, in part, to the efforts that the various emperors put into maintaining the unity of the church throughout the empire. Tis meant that differences of opinion, especially those that raised the possibility of schism whether in the church or in the empire, were viewed negatively. Imperial legislation including the prohibition of Montanist meet- ings and churches, the confiscation of the private property of Montanists, the imposition of fines, the expulsion of the movement’s leaders, and even the death penalty undoubtedly contributed to the decline of the New Prophecy from the first quarter of the fifth century.

In Chapter 10, Tabbernee turns his attention to three charges against the new Prophecy posed by church leaders during the Constantinian and post- Constantinian eras, namely, the nature of the movement’s prophetic gifts and claims, the accusation that it introduced novelty, and the claim that it was heretical. Chapter 11 provides the Montanist rebuttal to these charges and analyzes the Montanist response to the state.

Tabbernee concludes that Montanists were not guilty of many of the things of which other Christians accused them. Tey were often as orthodox as the rest, though there were genuine regional differences between them. Montan- ism can be described broadly as “. . . a diverse prophetic movement intent on bringing Christianity into line with what it believed to be the ultimate revela- tion of the Holy Spirit given to the church via its prophets and prophetesses” (xxxi). Tis alignment with what the Spirit was saying to the church was often best seen in the moral and ethical questions that the New Prophecy raised and answered, issues ranging from the appropriate response to persecution, the place of fasting, the requirement for women to wear veils, the requirement that one not remarry following the death of a spouse, and even the form in which it was appropriate to prophesy. Montanists insisted it was the Paraclete, the Spirit, who informed them, while the “orthodox” saw nothing more than unhealthy innovation at work.

Tis volume provides the clearest and most compelling assessment of Mon- tanism to date. One gets a sense of what the movement was really like, a bal- anced assessment of its strengths and weaknesses, and a clear sense of why ecclesial and imperial leaders responded so strongly to its challenges. Te reader is aided by extensive indices and the best bibliography on the subject. Te most substantial negative aspect of the volume is its price. At $254, its purchase will be limited primarily to libraries. Still, it is difficult to imagine that any library intending to service Pentecostal and/or Charismatic students would not have a copy.

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Pepouza and Tymion (2008)

Te second volume, Pepouza and Tymion, stems from a very different genus on several counts. It is, first of all, a coauthored volume, shared by Professors William Tabbernee and Peter Lampe. Second, it finds its roots in the Phrygian archeological work on Montanism going back for over a century but culmi- nating in the definitive discovery of the city of Pepouza in modern-day Turkey in 2000. As a result, this volume is not so much a book about who the Mon- tanists were or what they taught and how they were treated by others as it is a study of where they thrived and what clues they left that might help us understand them better. Tird, the volume has been published in a trilingual format.

All chapters are written in English, German, and Turkish. Te English and German appear in parallel columns while the Turkish translation appears at the end of each chapter. Footnotes written by Tabbernee (1-5) are in English, while those written by Lampe (6-12) are in German. Te volume offers a fine bibliography that outlines the history of archeological work previously done in the area, as well as work on many subjects and disciplines related to this proj- ect. It also includes over fifty pages of color plates that help the reader under- stand the verbal descriptions in significant detail. Te book makes extensive use of graphics, photographs (both black and white and color, including both aerial and satellite photos), and maps, reproduced on high-quality, varnished paper. Maps of the area include hand-drawn as well as professionally produced topographical, geomagnetic, and radar screen plates. Since the exploration of the Pepouza site has been limited so far to surface explorations conducted between 2000 and 2004, the authors of this volume also provide informed recommendations for carrying its exploration further through future archeo- logical digs that await Turkish government approval, although now work may have begun. It is difficult to imagine a more useful volume than this one on the current status of archeological findings regarding the New Prophecy at its most important centers, Pepouza and Tymion.

While they are not marked as such, this volume actually is composed of three major sections. Te first begins with a brief but informative introductory chapter coauthored by Tabbernee and Lampe that includes an explanation of the importance of Montanism for understanding early Christianity in Asia Minor. William Tabbernee continues in Chapters 2-5, by setting forth the his- tory of the archeological quest for the ancient towns of Pepouza and Tymion, the headquarters and pilgrimage center for Montanism from about AD 165 through 550. Tese chapters are part travelogue and part scientific notebook,

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outlining the quest for Pepouza and Tymion, exploring first one site, then another, and then retracing steps with added clues to other sites as well, although at times it provides more information than necessary.

Tese chapters demonstrate the kind of academic preparation necessary to undertake such a quest successfully (linguistic, literary, historical, geographic, topographic, epigraphic, and even numismatic), the role of local hosts, the need for patience and an open mind, and the ability to change one’s mind when confronted with new evidence. Te reader is carried into the quest through pointed descriptions and corroborating maps, suggestive photo- graphs, and bits and pieces of literary and epigraphic evidence as they are set forth. And finally, working backward from a recent (2000) discovery to an inscription that mentions Pepouza’s neighbor, Tymion, the pieces of Tabbern- ee’s puzzle are sufficiently in place to lead him to the ultimate discovery of the site now definitively identified as Pepouza.

Section two includes two chapters authored by Professor Lampe. Chapter 6, which is only half a page (why, since it could easily have been included in the subsequent chapter?), provide a graffito found near the city of Pepouza. It sup- plies context that is explained in Chapter 7, namely, a seventh- or eighth- century record that one Resos had successfully renovated the nearby section of aqueduct running from land owned by the emperor. Its importance lies in the fact that an imperial estate was present nearby between at least the fourth century and the ninth century Tis, in turn, provides substance to the claim that the city of Pepouza held significance not only for the eastern church, which had a large monastery nearby, but also for the emperor.

In the third section, Professor Lampe outlines the methodologies used in the internationally constituted, interdisciplinary surface survey undertaken between 2001 and 2004. Each subsequent chapter reveals, year by year, the discoveries made in and around the Pepouza site. Tree levels of survey work were undertaken. Te first involved “intensive surveys” of these and nearby sites, but these surveys included all levels of civilization in these areas. Te second-level survey involved charting, mapping, and photographing a rela- tively large area of nearly 150 square km in which the subject towns were situ- ated. And the third level focused specifically on an area within a 35-km radius from Pepouza and covered only thesecond throughsixth centuries. Te actual survey began in 2001 with an exploration of the region’s findings located now in the regional Uşak Archeological Museum. Using many of the latest technological support instruments, including computers and satellite images, work in the field began in earnest in September 2002. Each chapter outlining the work and the findings of these surveys is independent of the

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next, but together they form a cohesive whole that affords the reader a real sense of being there. Tis section is not always easy reading, and the amount of detail found there is vast.

While its price will undoubtedly limit its appearance in many private librar- ies, this volume will be a critically important tool for understanding and assessing this important early Christian movement of the Holy Spirit even before further archeological work is completed. It is an important volume for any library that serves Pentecostal or Charismatic scholars as well as others who work in the fields of Montanism, the history of the early church, or early Christian archeology, or anyone who cares to see where this Movement held so much import.

Prophets and Gravestones (2009)

If William Tabbernee has authored the definitive work on the teachings of Montanism and its treatment both by ecclesial and imperial powers, and if he has discovered and explored the cities of Pepouza and Tymion, which served as its headquarters and its primary center for pilgrimage, it would seem that he is well situated to put the various pieces of the puzzle surrounding this move- ment of the Spirit together in a more popular format. His conclusion that Montanism believed and taught the same doctrine as what the church as a whole believed and taught, but that it was open to continuing revelation through prophecies, dreams, and visions that set forth higher ethical require- ments than others, clearly establishes the movement as a proto-Pentecostal type of movement. Teir eschatological anticipation based on their reflections upon the nature of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21:10 that it would ulti- mately descend from heaven and be situated between Pepouza and Tymion establishes them as sharing millenarian concerns similar to those found in most Pentecostal groups as well.

In his third volume, Prophets and Gravestones, Tabbernee sets out to tell the story of the New Prophecy in a narrative fashion. As the author points out, it is not intended to be a fictional narrative like Ben Hur by Lew Wallace, or Taylor Caldwell’s fascinating novel about St. Luke, Dear and Glorious Physi- cian.23 Because of its narrative style, this book reads a bit like a novel, though it is not one. It includes a disclaimer to that effect. In other ways it does not read like a novel at all, for it was written in sections. Its first audience came

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Lew Wallace, Ben Hur (London: Signet Classic, Penguin Books Ltd., 2003), and Taylor Caldwell, Dear and Glorious Physician: A Novel about St. Luke (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2008).

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during evening readings for those involved in the surface survey of Pepouza and its surrounding territory, beginning in 2001. One can only imagine the debates and the laughter that must have filled ensuing discussions on the sub- ject. With this volume Tabbernee has offered a documented history of the New Prophecy within the context of the larger church in a much more per- sonal form than that which is found in his earlier works.

Te reader of this book should remember that because of the ecclesial and imperial persecution of this movement, even the best of historians are left with a paucity of information with which to work. In Tabbernee’s case, there is much more information than initially meets the eye. He has, after all, done the difficult work that makes this more popular treatment so rich.

In going beyond the basic historical data in any situation, however, one must also make room for imagination. Te recording and publication of all history includes an element of imagination. Regardless of the facts that histo- rians have at their disposal, all historians work also with the mind’s eye. Facts can help to develop patterns from which they can generalize, but seldom if ever do the facts in any historical event or movement constitute the entire picture. Historians must fill in the gaps, and to do so they make educated guesses, that is, they imagine what they cannot see by putting the pieces of the puzzle together in their mind’s eye. In order for it to result in a credible telling of the story, it must give careful consideration to every piece of data available, not forcing it into a prefabricated story. As the story unfolds, however, it can still be painted in different ways, using the classic questions that every journal- ist is taught: Who? What? Where? When? Why? Tis is what Tabbernee has tried to do in this book. He has told the story in such a way that the reader is put back into thesecond throughsixth centuries while the author narrates the story in the third person and the present tense.

One can read this book without footnotes, and it sounds like a novel or at least a series of connected short stories. In another way, one can read the foot- notes without much of the book and glean critical information on the nature and history of the New Prophecy, the important players, their teachings, their strengths and weaknesses, their treatment and mistreatment by members of the clergy as well as the greater polis, and their responses to church and society. In a way, this is two books in one, with information for the casual as well as the serious reader. It comes equipped with a list of important characters placed on a timeline, with maps and photographs, with drawings and descriptions, and it is rooted deeply in the facts that have been generated in the work that produced the two earlier volumes. Still, it is not a book for beginners.

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Some who read this volume will not like it. I can well imagine that their frustration will arise from their inability to distinguish fact from fiction or it will emerge when their imagination of the facts differs from the way they appear in Tabbernee’s story. Others will read it and appreciate the hard work that has gone into a creative project that is intended simultaneously to entertain and educate, even if it challenges their own imaginative views of how these prophetic oracles might have emerged and been applied in a specific time or place. Finally, Tabbernee has provided a free, downloadable study guide available at: http://hendrickson.com/pdf/study_guides/9781565639379-sp.pdf. Te guide includes five questions per chapter, and it can be used for group discussion while reading the book.

Who knows? Perhaps some of today’s “apostles” and “prophets” and perhaps those responsible for testing prophetic claims could learn something from reading these three volumes. I think they can.

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