Distinctives in Pentecostal Theology

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Until Pentecostal scholarship is able to clearly define a Pentecostal worldview that successfully illustrates the core of the “family likeness” of global Pentecostalism, the two worlds of Pentecostalism may continue to drift on in isolation from each other, each thinking it’s a priori realm of ideas is the only (or at least most important) one. 4.2 Pentecostal involvement in socio-political issues The most common comment by South African lecturers on any research paper, article, thesis or dissertation in theology offered in the 1980’s and early 1990’s would be: “But what are the socio-political implications of this?” The expected answer would be that somehow your research should show you how Christian theology could be harnessed into the service of the anti-apartheid struggle. Research that did not serve such a purpose was often dismissed as irrelevant, and a sort of “correctness” meant that it would receive little priority for publication or other dissemination. At the same time the dominant paradigm for conceptualising Christian involvement in politics was the particular Marxist perspective on social-analysis and the resolution of the “people’s struggle.” Within Pentecostalism there was an obvious attraction to such a simplistic and virile approach to resolving “liberation” issues such as apartheid or oppressive land-ownership practices in Latin America. The Kairos Document (1985), motivated by a Pentecostal pastor, insisted that the weakness of evangelical-Pentecostal apolitical options was their failure to do a social-analysis before doing theology – but uncritically implied that the only valid social analysis was the Marxist one. In the post-Soviet era, where Marxism in Europe has been recognised as a political, economic and environmental failure, this simplistic notion that the Marxist understanding and solution is the only viable one, has come to be questioned in many areas of Christian thinking. In the context of Christian missions West (2000) asks outright: Should Christian’s take Marxism seriously anymore? Scholars often note (apparently on the basis of a comment by an Argentinean pastor) that “Liberation theology opted for the poor, but the poor opted for Pentecostalism” (quoted e g by Miller & Yamamori 2007:215.) This present-day relativisation of the oppressor-oppressed paradigm provides space for Pentecostal socio-political involvement to develop within in own particular genius rather than to be one more assenter to the liberation bandwagon. Miller & Yamamori (2007) present a sociological perspective upon the manner in which Pentecostals around the world are dealing with social need as they encounter it. They recount numerous cases of people of various races, classes and gender engaging in context-modifying activities either because of the unbearable pressure of compassion, or simply because “God told me/us to do it.” Rather incautiously for secular sociologists, these authors note: … they (Pentecostals) frequently say that the Holy Spirit speaks directly to them about their social involvements in the community. Therefore, the most economical explanation may simply be that social theorists should include some reference to the 7 spiritual realm in their attempts to understand social movements. Perhaps the demographer’s toolbox, loaded with the variables of race, class, ethnicity, and social location, is inadequate. The primary motivator for those joining Pentecostal churchhes, based on our interviews, seems some type of encounter with the sacred, with all of these other elements simply contextual variables. (Miller & Yamamori 2007:37-38) This motivation for 20th century Pentecostals to work in a context of social need was documented at least as early as David Wilkerson’s Spirit-led mission into New York’s ganglands, culminating in the Teen Challenge enterprise which now spans the world. This ministry, like so many founded by Pentecostals, demonstrates the intervention of God not only in the calling that originated it, but also in the manner in which it operates – drug addicts experience miraculous rehabilitation from hard drugs by the power of the Holy Spirit. “Charismatic direction” in becoming involved in social issues and politics in modern time is at least as old as the Methodists such as the Clapham Sect. In the face of a consistent antipolitics stance by Pentecostals, I noted 20 years ago: It must be acknowledged that the sovereignty of the Spirit to direct individuals must preclude limiting the scope of that calling by declaring politics off-limits. .. it is consistent with the notion that the God who has control of the strategy of the history of the world can call men to obedience in tactics in any area in which he wishes. (Clark 1989:223-224) (see also Clark 1988:82-83.) Is there a “family likeness” in this area of human endeavour that might enable Pentecostals everywhere to articulate and practice the divine intervention of their God in every aspect of human existence, including social and political need? Does Pentecostalism hold a distinctive view of God, humanity and the cosmos that permeates the entire diverse family? 4.3 The challenge of operating as people of both text and Spirit The African Kalu (2008:249-255) and the British Warrington (2008:180-205) both take note of the importance for Pentecostals for understanding their relationship to the Christian Scriptures. Kalu (2208:254-5) notes a number of reasons why African Pentecostals (at least) cannot be branded Fundamentalists, either ideologically (e g as right-wing conservatives) or hermeneutically: 1. The character of African expressions of Christianity is often branded as conservative, but the meaning of the terminology remains ambiguous; 2. The movement’s focus is experiential and charismatic driven – this sits uneasthis sits uneasily upon Fundamentalist shoulders; 3. Its recovery of the pneumatic resources of the Scriptures has reshaped the religious landscape and charismatised mission-founded churches; 4. The variety of theologies and practices within a movement that is notable for its diversity defies easy labelling; 5. The movement is noted for its lack of ideological militancy in the social and religious spheres – it has great political import but does not promote a strong political agenda; Yet African Pentecostals do emphasise church-growth, winning converts, healing, deliverance, signs and wonders and other expressions of divine power – they are literalist in their use of the Bible, but not fundamentalist. They are also ethically conservative in their understanding of Biblical norms – witness the ongoing debate in the Anglican communion with regard to homosexual priests, where the (primarily charismatic) African bishops have taken a stand that might easily be stereotyped as conservative, reactionary and fundamentalistic. Perhaps the 8 search for a Pentecostal hermeneutic that once was so popular in the west needs to revived, in conversation with non-western partners? 4.4 Sacrificial life and ministry, or acquisitive? The last two points to be made in this paper are in a certain sense nostalgic. The early history of Pentecostalism indicates that involvement in Pentecostalism in general, and in its ministry in particular, demanded a price of the person who undertook it. That there are heroes in Pentecostalism is not a myth, it is a reality. This may be as simple (but hurtful) as perseverance in the face of social exclusion – only recently could a young Afrikaner Pentecostal in a South African school ever hope to play for the First XV rugby team – or dogged commitment in the face of life-threatening persecution. A Mozambican Pentecostal mother told me how, because the village shaman and elders opposed Pentecostals, her 12 year old daughter was taken from her and dedicated as “bride of the ancestors” – effectively shunned by the clan to go insane in isolation. Many pioneers of Pentecostalism braved poverty by giving up their (often lucrative) careers to undertake Christian ministry or mission. Some more recent paradigms operating within Pentecostal and charismatic circles, e g the Prosperity Gospel and the so-called New Apostolic Paradigm, have provided an alternative and diametrically opposed view of the spiritual hero: a person of great wealth and influence, of almost wizard-like autonomous spiritual potency, a celebrity who is never defeated or depressed, a leader of God-given anointing and authority. Through their influence an apocalyptic movement which in its origins was inimical and subversive to the dominant western paradigm of capitalism, consumerism, media- and celebrity-driven culture has been in danger of becoming one of its chief exponents and source of role-models. Pentecostals, and Pentecostal leaders and ministers in particular, need to make it clear whether the “family likeness” of global Pentecostalism is going to extol the virtues of an egocentric populist acquisitive form of spirituality, or continue to model the sacrificial form that was bequeathed it by its founders. If Kalu (2008:19) is correct that African Pentecostalism is turning from Prosperity Theology during the last decade, this would be good news indeed. In the diversity of ministry philosophies that currently influence Pentecostal leadership paradigms and ministry, the movement might well benefit by weeding out those that extol the popular notion of hero and return to the Biblical model of the doulos of Christ, the humble and sacrificial disciple that demonstrates the heart of a servant and not of a king.